Column
By Nijeesh N
On the intervening night of July 13–14, 2026, Mewa Singh, an accused in a 2020 sacrilege (be adbi) case, was hacked to death by unidentified assailants inside his residence in Turan village, Fatehgarh Sahib district, Punjab.
The killing once again underscored the enduring volatility surrounding sacrilege-related incidents in the State.
Singh had been arrested in October 2020 for allegedly desecrating the Guru Granth Sahib at the village gurdwara by waving traditional weapons (shastars).
After spending nearly a year in prison, he was granted bail, re-arrested in 2025 after the court revoked his bail for repeated non-appearance, and released again in December 2025.
Although social media widely claimed that Singh had been beheaded, Punjab Police clarified that he had sustained multiple fatal sword injuries, but had not been decapitated.
Investigators are examining several possible motives, including revenge linked to the 2020 sacrilege case, personal enmity, and financial disputes, though no arrests have been made.
Irrespective of the immediate motive, the symbolism of the murder is unmistakable.
In Punjab, be adbi is no longer merely a criminal offence; it has evolved into one of the State’s most politically charged and emotionally sensitive issues.
Each new incident revives unresolved grievances rooted in the 2015 Bargari sacrilege case in Faridkot, where the desecration of the Guru Granth Sahib was followed by Police firing on protesters at Behbal Kalan, killing two persons and profoundly reshaping Sikh political
discourse.
The episode triggered a series of sacrilege cases across Punjab, many of which remain
pending before courts in Punjab and Chandigarh.
Since 2015, four of the more than two dozen accused in the Bargari sacrilege cases have been killed in targeted attacks allegedly carried out by pro-Khalistani extremists or gangsters linked to them.
Official data indicates that 597 sacrilege cases were registered in Punjab between 2015 and 2025, including 65 in 2015, 54 in 2016, 47 in 2017, 40 in 2018, 31 in 2019, 59 in 2020, 80 each in 2021 and 2022, 54 in 2023, 65 in 2024, and 22 in 2025. A further nine cases were reported up to February 28, 2026.
Of the 597 cases, 480 involved Sikh religious scriptures or places of worship, 92 involved Hindu religious sites, 14 involved Muslim shrines or scriptures, and 11 involved Christian places of worship.
Although 544 of the 791 identified accused were arrested, the criminal justice outcomes have been limited.
Of the 597 First Information Reports (FIRs), only 44 have resulted in convictions, while 99
ended in acquittals, 83 were cancelled during investigation, 37 were quashed by courts, and 102 remain untraced.
Meanwhile, 131 cases are pending trial and another 101 remain under investigation.
As beadbi has evolved into a legal, political, and religious battleground, the timing of the killing is equally significant.
As Punjab heads towards the Assembly elections, beadbi has once again become a major political issue.
In April 2026, the AAP government enacted the Jaagat Jot Sri Guru Granth Sahib Satkar (Amendment) Act, 2026, introducing stringent penalties, including life imprisonment, for sacrilege.
Although presented as fulfilling a long-standing demand for stronger legal protection of the
Guru Granth Sahib, the legislation has also triggered fresh political and institutional controversy.
The Akal Takht opposed several provisions, arguing that the government had legislated without adequate Panthic (relating to Sikh institutions and traditions) consultation and had encroached upon matters of Sikh religious authority.
In an unprecedented move on June 29, 2026, Acting Jathedar Giani Kuldeep Singh Gargaj summoned all Sikh Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) from across party lines and issued a one-month ultimatum to amend the Act’s “controversial” provisions.
Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann was excluded from the meeting after the Akal Takht had earlier declared him Guru Dokhi (enemy of the Guru) and Khalsa Panth Virodhi (opposed to the Khalsa Panth) over a controversial video.
The Punjab Government has since indicated its willingness to revisit the disputed provisions.
The implications extend beyond electoral politics. Sacrilege has long been a potent mobilising issue for radical Sikh groups.
While Punjab is far removed from the insurgency of the 1980s, extremist and overseas separatist networks continue to exploit high-profile sacrilege incidents to portray the State
as incapable of protecting Sikh religious sanctity.
Equally concerning is the rise of religious vigilantism. Certain Nihang factions and self-styled religious enforcers have repeatedly targeted individuals accused of sacrilege, fostering a culture of instant retribution over due process.
The June 2025 killing of a social media influencer Kanchan Kumari aka Kamal Kaur Bhabhi accused of “obscenity” which was defended by senior Akal Takht functionaries, highlighted the growing acceptance of vigilante justice in matters of perceived religious offence.
Such incidents undermine state authority and normalise parallel systems of punishment.
For Punjab’s security establishment, therefore, the challenge is considerably larger than solving a single murder.
The State must simultaneously ensure credible investigations into sacrilege incidents,
expedite long-pending prosecutions, prevent retaliatory violence, and insulate religious grievances from electoral competition.
Failure on any of these fronts risks further legitimising vigilantism, deepening communal polarisation, and providing fresh opportunities for extremist mobilisation.
Mewa Singh’s killing is not just another homicide; it is a reminder that unresolved questions surrounding beadbi continue to occupy one of the most sensitive intersections of religion, politics and security in Punjab.
(Disclaimer: Nijeesh N is a Research Associate with Institute for Conflict Management. The views expressed in the column are solely of the author).
